Ring Side View

[Tongam Rina]

The unresolvable stalemate between the Chakma and Hajong communities and the indigenous local communities, combined with the government's reluctance to sincerely address the issue, has led to an intractable conflict that is set to get worse with time.

The conflict between the indigenous communities of the state and the Chakma and Hajong communities, who were settled here by the Indian state, has been ongoing for some 60 years. Both sides have been pushed into palpable uncertainty and insecurity, and both remain anxious about what the future holds. Neither side has an answer to solve this mutual precarity. Meanwhile, the state government views the continued uncertainty as a convenient distraction, and the Centre has no clear direction or idea other than blaming history and the Congress.

For decades, students - the All Arunachal Pradesh Students' Union (AAPSU) and its federal units -have led demands that Arunachal remains a protected land, and that these Chakma-Hajong settlers be sent out of the state, receiving unanimous support from the local communities.

What the courts say, what the settlers say, and what the indigenous communities want are all completely different. Going by the current situation, it does not look like there will be a unified resolution, or that the settlers and indigenous communities will find any common ground. The state government cannot implement what the court is ordering simply because it is impossible to do so, given the mass public opposition to any talk of settling them in Arunachal.

How did we reach a point where the entire state has been plunged into such uncertainty? It stems from the reluctance of the state to find a workable and acceptable solution.

It is the duty of the court to uphold the Constitution and ensure that Chakma settlers do not become stateless - as many now are - and it is the duty of the state to implement the court order. However, if one looks at the situation with patience and fairness, the argument that the state is a protected land - one of the primary reasons pointed out by the indigenous communities opposed to the permanent settlement of refugees - does hold water.

We need to go back to 1964.

Between 1964 and 1969, the Chakma and Hajong communities from the Chittagong Hill Tracts (in modern-day Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan) had to leave their homes following religious persecution and displacement caused by the Kaptai hydropower dam project. A total of 2,748 families (totalling nearly 5,000 initial settlers) were brought in during this five-year period. They were settled in Balijan jn current Papum Pare, across large pockets in the plain parts of Changlang district, and in Chongkham in Namsai.

They were settled here right after the 1962 Indo-China war as part of a Indian state policy to populate the border areas. They were given land in designated locations. Over time, the population grew to more than 60,000, spilling into protected forests beyond the demarcated areas. The government did not foresee this expansion, and their subsequent refusal to act led to direct confrontations between the indigenous communities and the settlers over resources as well as identity.

The Chakma community has one of the highest populations in Arunachal but remains extremely impoverished, with no higher educational opportunities within the state beyond basic schooling. Lacking official documents, they have limited or no chance at formal employment, though many work as household labourers and manual workers both within and outside the state. While some Chakma families own businesses and are affluent, the large majority of the population faces harsh living conditions with very little to no government facilities. Many landless individuals from Chakma and Hajong communities frequently find themselves in conflict with state agencies, as they are accused of clearing forest land for cultivation.

The latest stand against the electoral roll enrolment is a continuation of a long series of protests in the state opposing the settlement of the Chakma and Hajong communities contrary to the wishes of the local people.

These student-driven anti-foreigner movements, which have mass support, have long been the core of the union. The union has lost members during anti-foreigner agitations over the last few decades.

The 'People's Referendum Rally', held on 20 September, 1995, saw the state government and the student union come together on the issue to issue a white paper. The message was clear: deport the refugees from the protected land. Prior to 1995, quit notices had been served to the settlers the previous year. Some tried to flee the state, but Assam ordered a shoot-at-sight policy. The National Human Rights Commission deemed all of these actions a violation of human rights.

The following year, in January 1996, the Supreme Court ordered the state to protect the lives and personal liberties of the Chakma people. Again in 2015, the Supreme Court ordered the government to grant citizenship to eligible Chakma and Hajong refugees.

The response was immediate opposition by the people. Acting on the Supreme Court order in 2017, the Union Home Ministry proposed granting citizenship to the eligible refugees, which brought the state to a halt and prompted the government to retreat immediately. Both the Centre and the state are well aware that any permanent solution involving the refugees remaining in the state will be met with stiff opposition.

Since then, the government has been sitting on the issue, though Pema Khandu once announced that the refugees would be relocated- without providing details on when, where, or how.

The state will have to genuinely think about this issue and find a viable solution. The Government of India will ultimately be answerable because, at some point, organisations will approach the court, seeking a directive to implement the earlier order on granting citizenship. By law, Chakmas are Indian citizens and cannot be denied the rights and facilities due to them. However, any such order on the grant of citizenship and permanent settlement of the communities will be met with intense resistance from indigenous communities and student groups, further fuelling an issue that directly threatens the peace and security of the state.

This perpetual uncertainty will only bring anxious reactions, which are rarely productive. With the international border already an uncertain space, India cannot afford to look away from an issue that has the potential to turn into an even bigger crisis, especially while the settlers and the indigenous communities live in perpetual fear and distrust with so much at stake.