BJP On Rampage

 By Poonam I Kaushish

Political Delhi resembles a battle field as Parties trade charges and finger point on ghisi-piti real politik where public morality and practical politics have acquired a particularly grotesque dimension. Underscored by defections and broken loyalties.  Fair or foul means do not matter as long as it culminates with the winner serenading satta.

Undeniably, the results of the recent Assembly elections along-with the splintering of TMC, Shiv Sena and AAP have opened up an opportunity for BJP to weaken its bête noir Congress, which had shown signs of revival in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, inching towards its dream:  Congress Mukt Bharat. Said Prime Minister Modi, “The Congress identity now is that of a parasite Party. It will betray even its allies.”

Its aggressive moves stem from its disappointment of ‘below-expectation performance’ in 2024 polls and defeat of the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026 providing reservation for women linked to Delimitation Bill 2026 due to lack of two-third majority in Lok Sabha April. Thereby, strengthening BJP’s resolve to expand its Parliamentary strength further.

Consequently, its political strategy is aimed at giving disgruntled regional Parties MPs a leg up resulting in defections (TMC-AAP-SS) and alongside isolating and systematically weakening Congress, eroding its traditional support bases, undercutting Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi and diminishing his political influence.

But this is easier said than done against the backdrop of Congress sway in three of five Southern States: Karnataka, Kerala, Telangana and piggy-backing on TVK in Tamil Nadu and Himachal in the North though it continues to struggle in large parts of northern and western India where BJP remains dominant.

Certainly, the Party’s political standing today is stronger than it was a decade ago, it remains the largest Opposition Party nationally having won 99 Lok Sabha seats in 2024, its best performance since 2014 and is still the central pillar of India Bloc, though the alliance has become increasingly strained post TMC-DMK defeat. It has influence but still far from being the dominant national alternative to BJP.

Rahul supporters aver the Party has recovered somewhat since he took charge. His campaigns and outreach like Bharat Jodo Yatra helped revive Congress’s visibility and trajectory. Moreover, he has been resolute in his convictions and held steadfast to his beliefs and ideology despite being derided as ‘Pappu’ and trolled by Sanghites on social media.

Many argue leadership change is the need of the hour. The Congress needs to get out of the morass of the First Family. Its feudal functioning and outlook, jo hukam mindset feeding on the undaata’s goodwill.  Only those who serve loyally flourish in the “nomination culture”. Both disagreements and debate are viewed as betrayal.

Besides, internal divisions remain a major weakness. Recent reports highlight factionalism, leadership disagreements and public criticism among leaders. Add to this, defections and organizational weaknesses continue to hurt the Party in several States.  Its relations with allies are under strain. Its recent ugly spat-and split with long term allay DMK a case in point.

Clearly, Congress’s future depends on whether it can resolve internal factionalism, retain Opposition unity, expand beyond its current strongholds and present a clear ideological and organizational alternative to the BJP.

But that alone will not solve organizational weaknesses at States level. It has not consistently expanded its vote base and the Party remains heavily dependent on the Gandhi family’s aura. To expand it needs a new leader who would energize the organization and attract younger voters and regional allies.

Others feel leadership is only one side of the coin, Congress today faces structural problems, lack of strong State-level leaders in key regions, weak grassroots organization in several States, dependence on alliances and difficulty converting anti-incumbency sentiment into votes.

Further, Congress’s ability to challenge BJP nationally depends not only on its own strength but also strength and unity of regional Parties. If regional forces splinter and significant factions join   BJP-led NDA, Congress faces several difficulties: One, reduced alliance arithmetic to avoid splitting anti-BJP votes.

Two, it loses local networks as regional Parties have strong State-level organizations and social coalitions which Congress may not be able to replace quickly. Three, when prominent regional leaders or factions join BJP, it could create a perception that its’ the natural pole of politics, attracting more defections.

Four, in many States where Congress is not the principal opposition Party, if regional Parties weaken, the Party does not automatically inherit their support base but it creates space for BJP to revive itself, as has happened in some States in the past. Much depends on whether Congress can absorb former regional Party voters and leaders.

As things stand today, politics has increasingly become a contest between BJP and a fragmented Opposition consisting of Congress plus multiple regional Parties with differing interests. When Parties prioritize State-level interests over a common national strategy maintaining a united front becomes difficult. The reason why India Bloc faces recurring tensions.

So, if regional forces continue to fragment and move toward BJP, Congress’s path back to national power becomes more challenging. But whether Congress weakens further or rebuilds depends on its ability to expand its own organization rather than relying primarily on coalition arithmetic.

A debatable question. If the measure is electoral success, Rahul’s leadership has yet to translate into a sustained national revival. It continues to remain well behind BJP nationally, suffering setbacks in several States due to failing to expand its vote base and remains heavily dependent on the Gandhi family.

Historically, successful Parties often renew themselves through a mix of leadership change, organizational reform and emergence of strong regional leaders. Whether Congress chooses a different national leader or not, time will tell, but it definitely needs a broader leadership bench rather than relying on a single family or personality.

If Indian politics is viewed as a cricket match: BJP-led JP/NDA is still batting from a position of strength nationally. Though Congress has avoided being bowled out and has rebuilt some credibility since 2024 it has not yet convinced enough voters that it could be an alternate to BJP juggernaut.

Undeniably, Congress is relevant and recovering, but not resurgent. It needs to remember that the best political systems are based on holding free, fair and regular Party elections.  In the long run, short-term hereditary gain would sound the death-knell of the Party. The time has come for it to do some soul-searching. Is the dynasty a panacea for the Party’s and nation’s ills?

For how long can one bank on family background and sacrifices and uphold true democracy? Or else continue to wallow in the political cesspool of my feudal Congress.  So the real question is not, should the Gandhis’ go? But more important: Can Congress build a leadership structure that is bigger than the Gandhis’? Until that question is answered, everything is up in the air.  — INFA